First of two components
MARAWI, Philippines – Days earlier than the 2017 Marawi siege, alarming textual content messages started circulating. Later traced to the ISIS-inspired Maute group, the messages warned of an impending “battle” and urged residents to evacuate instantly. Many dismissed them as a hoax, believing Marawi would by no means turn out to be a battlefield.
“Our neighbors acquired these textual content alerts and advised us concerning the warning. We dismissed it as a result of we thought it was a rip-off,” mentioned Nurainie Rakim, a stringer of S’bang Ka Marawi (Rise Up Marawi), a group media group organized by the nongovernment group Initiatives for Dialogue and Empowerment by Different Authorized Providers (IDEALS).
On Could 23, that 12 months, the extremist Maute group launched a full-scale assault accompanied by disinformation. Social media posts and textual content messages unfold unverified tales of kidnappings, killings of non-Muslims, and different fabricated horrors, fueling panic and confusion.
“At the moment, we didn’t have the posh to consider what data we acquired. Our high precedence was to evacuate safely,” Rakim recalled.
Hundreds fled, anticipating to return in days. Others stayed to protect their properties, hoping for a fast ceasefire. As an alternative, the preventing dragged on for 5 months, leaving deep scars that proceed to hang-out Marawi communities.
“If these early textual content alerts had been verified and reported, it may have probably saved town from devastation,” mentioned Sorhaila Latip, a journalism professor at government-run Mindanao State College (MSU).
Latip’s level strikes on the marrow of Marawi’s tragedy. What Marawi lacked in 2017, and nonetheless lacks immediately, is a powerful, unbiased, and vigilant information media that would reduce by rumor and concern with truth. When the Maute group superior, the vacuum of credible data proved as damaging because the rockets and gunfire.
Eight years later, Marawi stays starved of reports and vetted data. Radio stations are faint, newspapers almost absent, tv alerts inconsistent. The vacuum is crammed as a substitute by Fb posts, TikTok snippets, and the chatter of textual content messages and two-way radios — a communications panorama ripe for manipulation.
The ruins of town don’t simply inform the story of the siege, but in addition function a reminder of what occurs when communities are compelled to confront extremism with out the armor of credible reporting. In predominantly Muslim Marawi, the absence of sturdy media grew to become a weapon, turned towards its personal folks.
Media protection challenges
When the militants stormed Marawi, town’s media was uncovered for what it was: fragile, untested, and ill-prepared. Native media retailers had been neither totally geared up to cowl the battle nor able to confront the flood of data and lies that adopted.
For years, most radio stations in Marawi had settled into secure reporting and public discussions, avoiding robust points. What they by no means constructed was the muscle for disaster reporting, and when the siege got here, the absence of that muscle was felt in each story that unfold unchecked, in each warning that went unverified.
Latip famous that many operated media retailers just because they may, regardless of missing formal coaching and expertise. “The dearth of [public] help for native media is what makes it an insufficient information instrument,” she mentioned.
Shora Sabdullah, station supervisor of the state-run Radio Pilipinas-Marawi, mentioned the Marawi Broadcasters’ Affiliation had held coaching classes to equip aspiring reporters with fundamental expertise earlier than the siege.
Marawi within the highlight
As gun battles intensified in 2017, the battle finally drew wider protection from each native and worldwide media. Social media grew to become a significant platform, whereas “parachute journalists” flew in to file fast tales.
The flood of consideration make clear key realities, but it surely additionally fueled disinformation.
“Through the siege, disinformation was blatant. That’s why my editors advised me to double-check my tales, and I did,” mentioned veteran Cagayan de Oro-based journalist Froilan Gallardo of MindaNews, who additionally contributes to Rappler.
Malacañang on the time cautioned media retailers towards pretend information and urged the general public to keep away from sharing unverified tales, as extremist propaganda unfold on-line. Members of the black flag group used social media to amplify their messages throughout the siege.
“Group members had entry to the web and so they had been posting images and movies about their extremist actions,” Latip mentioned. Fb later eliminated important ISIS-linked content material tied to Marawi.
“If we had the identical stage of protection throughout the siege that now we have now, we may have fought disinformation extra successfully,” Latip mentioned.
She famous that after the siege, the federal government started investing extra in media help within the metropolis — however just for state-run retailers.
“As appearing station supervisor again then, I wanted to search out methods, particularly throughout the siege the place I wanted to report anytime, wherever,” Sabdullah recalled. Marawi’s journalists, she added, nonetheless needed to be “resourceful” and chronic simply to maintain operations alive.
Media presence and historical past
Native media in Marawi traces its roots to the Sixties. DXSO stays the one government-owned radio station, whereas DXRM and others as soon as offered information and public affairs programming.
Some native publications additionally emerged, together with Salam newspaper, Ingud a Pilumbayan journal, and later The Ranao Star, which has since shifted solely to social media.
However over time, AM radio declined as FM’s music-driven programming drew youthful listeners. “The ‘loss of life’ of AM got here with the rise of the web. It proliferated in 2008 when Fb arrived,” Latip recalled.
In the present day, IDEALS information lists solely a handful of energetic retailers: DXSO Radyo Pilipinas, Radyo Dansalan, College FM, Radio Ranao, Cool FM, Freedom Radio, and Edge Radio — plus The Ranao Star publication.
‘Walkie-talkie information’
In Marawi, the place the siege turned properties into rubble, folks nonetheless piece collectively information by radios, Fb pages, and whispered updates.
“Aside from tv and radio, we additionally tune in to the Saksi radiogram frequency (walkie-talkies) for native information and updates,” Rakim mentioned.
The hand-held, moveable two-way radio permits sooner distribution of data however comes with challenges, together with congestion, interference, and questionable reliability.
Saksi, the biggest two-way radio frequency in Lanao del Sur, is run by Muslim students and professionals and has lots of of followers throughout 18 municipalities round Lake Lanao. However in contrast to established information retailers, the walkie-talkie platform can not assure accuracy.
“Radiogram is one thing you shouldn’t actually have. It has been used for communication, however technically it’s unlawful,” Latip defined.
Sabdullah added that whereas they usually report unverified tales, the two-way radio frequencies should not solely unhealthy: “It may very well be used for quick distribution of data when verified.”
Eight years after the siege, Marawi nonetheless struggles to construct media that may protect its folks from rumor and manipulation. The absence of such media in 2017 didn’t simply go away town unprepared for extremist violence. It made Marawi’s tragedy deeper, sharper, and longer-lasting. (To be concluded) – Rappler.com
NEXT: Half 2 | Journalism in Marawi struggles beneath disinformation, concern, politics
Abdul Hafiz Tacoranga Malawani is a campus journalist from Marawi Metropolis, Lanao del Sur learning Info Know-how at Mindanao State College Marawi. He’s the editor in chief of Mindanao Varsitarian and an Aries Rufo Journalism Fellow of Rappler for 2025.
