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Investigative Reports

[OPINION] A Fact Fee from Martial Regulation to the drug warfare

Madisony
Last updated: October 16, 2025 1:39 am
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[OPINION] A Fact Fee from Martial Regulation to the drug warfare
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Contents
Cory Aquino and truth-tellingCompensation, commemorationAvoiding previous missteps

In international locations rising from extended durations of mass killings and state-sponsored abuse, fact commissions play a essential function in restoring justice and rebuilding public belief.

These our bodies collect sworn testimonies, coordinate with authorities businesses, protect proof, and construct circumstances to carry perpetrators accountable. Additionally they administer reparations, suggest authorized and institutional reforms, and promote civic schooling to forestall future violence. At this time, greater than 40 international locations have applied such mechanisms.

Comparative analysis throughout these nations exhibits that fact commissions are best when mixed with felony trials and actual structural reforms — notably when governments transfer swiftly to prosecute offenders, fund reparations, reform safety establishments, and educate the general public to make sure non-repetition.

An analogous course of could now be rising within the Philippines.

In 2023, each the Senate and Congress launched inquiries into the nation’s extrajudicial killings, summoning key actors within the drug warfare: the Philippine Nationwide Police, former president Rodrigo Duterte, survivors, and victims’ households. These hearings created uncommon confrontations between survivors and people implicated in violence. Watching these proceedings unfold, one witnesses the early contours of a fact and reconciliation course of — unearthing the roots of the drug warfare, compelling long-silent admissions, and drawing Duterte into the scope of worldwide investigation by the Worldwide Legal Court docket. (READ: Reparations and truth-telling for Duterte drug warfare victims)

Cory Aquino and truth-telling

The Philippines has a precedent for transitional justice.

Within the wake of the Marcos dictatorship, President Corazon Aquino sought to institutionalize truth-seeking. On Could 5, 1987, she issued Govt Order No. 163, establishing the Fee on Human Rights (CHR). Grounded in Article XIII, Part 17 of the 1987 Structure and aligned with the UN Conference In opposition to Torture, the CHR was tasked with investigating civil and political rights violations, purging the navy of authoritarian legacies, and confronting the abuses of Martial Regulation.

From the outset, the CHR’s mandate struck highly effective nerves, particularly amongst members of the Rebolusyonaryong Alyansang Makabansa (RAM), a faction inside the navy linked to torture and political violence. RAM-affiliated officers, together with Gregorio “Gringo” Honasan, had been more and more named in testimonies, with allegations later documented in Alfred W. McCoy’s Nearer than Brothers and A Query of Torture.

Two landmark circumstances illustrate the stakes: the 1986 abduction and homicide of labor chief Rolando Olalia, whose mutilated physique signaled makes an attempt to destabilize the fledgling democracy; and the torture of Maria Elena Ang, a journalism pupil kidnapped in 1976 and subjected to brutal abuse at a secret ISAFP facility — her case emblematic of the very practices the CHR aimed to reveal.

As investigations intensified, RAM denounced them as “selective justice,” objecting particularly to the early launch of Communist Social gathering chief Jose Maria Sison. Their mounting grievances, mixed with concern of prosecution, led to a collection of failed coups towards the Aquino authorities. RAM justified its actions by portraying the CHR’s work not as justice however as a political purge of the navy.

Consequently, the CHR by no means advanced right into a full-fledged fact fee. Whereas it superior necessary investigations, it lacked the mandate, authority, and public course of needed for a nationwide reckoning with Martial Regulation–period atrocities.

Nonetheless, the CHR laid foundational groundwork for later transitional justice efforts.

Compensation, commemoration

In 2013, Congress handed Republic Act 10368, establishing the Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board (HRVCB) to supervise reparations for Martial Regulation victims and the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Fee (HRVVMC) to make sure remembrance and civic schooling. These establishments included important parts of a fact fee — acknowledgment, compensation, and commemoration — however stopped wanting delivering an open, nationwide confrontation with the previous.

In 2010, then-president Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III tried to revive truth-seeking by issuing Govt Order No. 1 to create the Philippine Fact Fee. (READ: The short-lived 2010 Fact Fee)

Not like different commissions centered on human rights abuses, this physique centered narrowly on investigating corruption throughout the administration of former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. It operated as an advert hoc fact-finding unit below the Workplace of the President, licensed to collect proof, obtain testimonies, and suggest circumstances for prosecution. However missing adjudicative energy and centered solely on one administration, the fee confronted speedy authorized challenges. Later that yr, the Supreme Court docket struck it down for violating the Equal Safety Clause by concentrating on solely the Arroyo administration.

At this time, a brand new effort is taking form.

The Catholic Church, in collaboration with authorities businesses, victims’ households, and civil society organizations, held a workshop in Mandaluyong to start laying the groundwork for a Fact Fee centered on the victims of the “warfare on medication.”

Avoiding previous missteps

The central problem is the way to design a fee that avoids the political missteps and structural weaknesses of earlier efforts.

There are a number of viable paths to establishing such a physique. One choice is thru an govt order or presidential decree, just like the Unbiased Fee for Infrastructure (ICI), which was created to research corruption in flood-control tasks.

One other is thru laws, by submitting a invoice in Congress to supply the fee with a sturdy authorized mandate. A 3rd, and maybe extra sustainable, strategy is to mix each: an govt order to jumpstart the initiative, adopted by laws to institutionalize its powers and guarantee long-term continuity. This blended mannequin gives each the immediacy of govt motion and the lasting legitimacy of legislation.

If modeled after President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s Unbiased Fee for Infrastructure (Govt Order No. 94), the proposed fee should keep away from a slim deal with the Duterte administration. Limiting the investigation to at least one presidency dangers violating the constitutional precept of equal safety — exactly the difficulty that doomed Noynoy Aquino’s Fact Fee. For the trouble to be honest and constitutionally sound, the scope should embrace human rights violations from Marcos Sr. to the present administration.

Crucially, the fee should additionally encourage the lively participation of police and safety forces. This requires creating restorative pathways that enable them to return ahead with out concern of retribution. With out such measures, these implicated could select to withstand, stay silent, or flee fairly than cooperate. Restorative approaches may embrace conditional amnesty or diminished sanctions in change for full disclosure, public acknowledgment, and engagement in reparative applications similar to group service, restitution, or institutional reform.

By integrating truth-telling with restorative justice, the fee can each expose the complete extent of state violence and foster therapeutic, accountability, and non-repetition. A course of that focuses solely on sufferer testimonies and punitive measures could push safety actors into silence or retaliation, thereby undermining the truth-seeking effort. – Rappler.com

Chris N. Magno, affiliate professor of justice research and human companies at Gannon College, makes a speciality of crime mapping, the politics of crime, and the intersections of violence, governance, and social justice. He earned his grasp’s diploma in Sociology from UP Diliman and his Ph.D. in Legal Justice from Indiana College Bloomington. His current publication introduces the time period felony populism, exploring how politicians leverage their very own crimes as political capital.

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