When Janet Lim-Napoles exploded into nationwide consciousness a decade in the past, she grew to become the poster baby of how political patronage and greed may hole out authorities establishments. (READ: ‘Madame Jenny’ Napoles, girl within the eye of a storm)
The “Pork Barrel Queen” constructed a sprawling empire of ghost non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and sham tasks, siphoning billions from taxpayers by the connivance of lawmakers. She was not an aberration; she was the logical consequence of a system that rewards middlemen who can funnel public funds into personal pockets. (READ: The truths and lies of Janet Lim Napoles)
Right now, husband Curlee Discaya and his spouse Sarah stand accused of happening the similar crooked path — totally different names, similar playbook. The Discayas’ fast rise in wealth, largely constructed on sweetheart offers with the Division of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), echoes Napoles’s blueprint: seize bureaucrats, nook contracts, and camouflage plunder as “improvement.”
Napoles thrived as a result of she mastered the artwork of political patronage. She didn’t construct roads, bridges, or irrigation canals. She constructed networks of affect. The Discayas are lower from the identical material. Stories hyperlink them to a collection of substandard or incomplete infrastructure tasks, funded with taxpayer cash, however executed with ghostly effectivity. The place Napoles conjured fictitious NGOs, the Discayas deploy building corporations that exist on paper, but ship solely rubble and floods. (READ: Janet Napoles and a tragic previous)
The tragedy isn’t merely that these households enrich themselves — it’s that total communities are left to undergo the implications. Napoles’s rip-off disadvantaged farmers of fertilizers and livelihood assist. The Discayas’ questionable tasks have worsened flooding and undermined security requirements, punishing bizarre residents for years to come back. Each are united by one precept: the general public pays, whereas they revenue.

If Napoles grew to become the cautionary story of the Benigno S. Aquino III years (2010-1016), the Discayas threat changing into the image of at the moment’s damaged system, starting in 2016 beneath the Rodrigo Duterte administration. Each expose the identical most cancers of Philippine governance: that corruption isn’t innovation however replication. Each era of operators research the final, improves the scheme, and burrows themselves extra deeply into the paperwork.
The Napoles saga ought to have been a watershed second, a name to overtake how public funds are launched and monitored. As a substitute, it appears to have been a mere rehearsal. The Discayas’ persevering with capacity to safe tasks, regardless of mounting questions on their competence and ethics, means that the lesson was by no means discovered.
No to historical past repeating beneath new surname
Napoles siphoned billions from the Precedence Improvement Help Fund (PDAF) that had been supposed to learn the Filipino folks, pulling strings by conjured ghost NGOs and complicit legislators. When she was uncovered in 2013, she had develop into the embodiment of the decay in Philippine paperwork. Napoles had turned PDAF into her private ATM. (READ: The Supreme Court docket, PDAF and revolution)
A decade later, beneath Rodrigo Duterte and Ferdinand Marcos Jr., a brand new household empire rose— the Discayas, contractors who mastered a distinct racket: bleeding DPWH’s multibillion-peso infrastructure funds. Not like Napoles, they didn’t want faux NGOs. They’d the DPWH itself — beneath Mark Villar’s (then DPWH secretary) Construct, Construct, Construct bonanza. The couple has cornered flood-control contracts value a whole bunch of billions of pesos, enabled by a system structured to favor “pleasant” contractors over accountability.
Napoles (Aquino Period) | Discayas (Duterte-Marcos Period) |
Relied on pork barrel allocations (PDAF) funneled by senators and congressmen. | Relied on DPWH’s Construct, Construct, Construct contracts, fast-tracked beneath Villar. |
Created faux NGOs with ghost beneficiaries. | Managed building corporations cornering highway, drainage, and flood-control tasks. |
Scammed farmers with fertilizers and livelihood tasks that by no means existed. | Delivered substandard or incomplete infrastructure that worsened floods and broken roads. |
Turned the face of Aquino’s failure to curb graft. | Symbolize a threat a la Napoles for Marcos Jr., enabled by Duterte and Villar’s contractor-driven patronage. |
The Napoles case

Right here’s the breakdown of what was typically established:
- Mechanism: Lawmakers endorsed their PDAF allocations to Napoles’ community of faux NGOs. These NGOs supposedly applied livelihood tasks, however in actuality the funds had been diverted to kickbacks and private acquire. (PDAF kickbacks: Napoles had favorites)
- Kickbacks: Napoles allegedly gave lawmakers a fee of 40%-60% of their PDAF in alternate for funneling tasks by her NGOs.
- Quantity: The Fee on Audit (COA) particular audit (2007-2009) already flagged ₱6.156 billion in questionable PDAF releases. Whistleblowers like Benhur Luy testified that Napoles personally dealt with round ₱10 billion in complete over almost a decade.
- Luxurious spending: The cash was reportedly laundered into actual property, luxurious vehicles, high-end condos, and even US properties.
The ₱10-billion determine is essentially the most broadly cited estimate of how a lot Napoles siphoned, however not all of it went on to her pocket — massive chunks went to complicit lawmakers, authorities officers, and middlemen.
Prime 5 lawmakers who allegedly acquired kickbacks
Right here’s a ranked breakdown of the lawmakers most prominently implicated within the Janet Lim-Napoles PDAF (pork barrel) rip-off, together with the approximate quantities — or convictions — related to every:
Primarily based on investigations by the Philippine Every day Inquirer, amongst 28 lawmakers initially implicated, listed below are 5 legislators whose quantities had been particularly cited:
Rank | Lawmaker | Chamber | Approx. Quantity Uncovered |
1 | Bong Revilla Jr. | Senate | ₱1.015 billion |
2 | Juan Ponce Enrile | Senate | ₱641.65 million |
3 | Jinggoy Estrada | Senate | ₱585 million |
4 | Rizalina Seachon-Lanete | Home | ₱137.29 million |
5 | Bongbong Marcos | Senate | ₱100 million |

Data present that the most important particular person quantities went to Senate members Revilla (₱642M), and Estrada (~₱585M).
Standing of instances
Bong Revilla — Authorized standing: Charged by Ombudsman; confronted Sandiganbayan prosecution; acquittal/demurrer rulings and orders to return funds have appeared in courtroom data at totally different phases (advanced litigation historical past).
Jinggoy Estrada — Authorized standing: Confronted plunder/graft fees; in January 2024 convicted on bribery counts (and acquitted of plunder); later rulings adjusted outcomes. Litigation continued with appeals/resolutions.
Juan Ponce Enrile — Charged in reference to PDAF allegations; advanced judicial historical past — notable Sandiganbayan proceedings, and a 2024 Sandiganbayan choice acquitted him of sure plunder fees.
Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. — Authorized standing: Named in Napoles’ statements/press lists; publicly denied dealings.
The Discayas’ ‘ghost’ tasks and overpricing allegations
Discaya‐linked corporations — throughout 9 building corporations — had been reported to have secured 421 flood management tasks value roughly ₱31.035 billion nationwide over three years (2022–2025).
These corporations are beneath scrutiny for allegedly being among the many 15 prime DPWH contractors that cornered a good portion of the ₱545 billion allotted for flood management. Some tasks had been flagged as overpriced, substandard, or presumably unconstructed (“ghost”) tasks.
Abstract Desk | |
Side | What’s Recognized |
Tasks Secured | 421 contracts valued at round ₱31 billion |
Nature of Allegations | Overpricing, “ghost” tasks, a number of bidding schemes |
Proof Underneath Investigation | Seizure of 28 luxurious autos for import/tax compliance scrutiny |
Authorities have additionally seized 28 luxurious autos linked to the Discayas to look at their importation and tax compliance.
Whereas there’s clear proof of questionable conduct — resembling inflated contracts, a number of bidding by associated corporations, and suspicious wealth accumulation — there’s at the moment no verified estimate of how a lot was illegally obtained or laundered.
The billion-peso flood bonanza
- Underneath Mark Villar’s DPWH (2016–2020), infrastructure spending exploded to ₱2.5 trillion.
- DPWH’s funds for flood management ballooned from ₱90 billion in 2020 to ₱244 billion in 2024. Between 2015 and 2025, over ₱1.365 trillion was poured into flood-control works.
- Underneath Marcos Jr., ₱545 billion value of flood tasks had been rolled out in simply three years — but ₱100 billion (20%) went to solely 15 contractors, together with Discaya-linked corporations.
- Regardless of this deluge of spending, Metro Manila and Central Luzon stay waterlogged each monsoon. In some instances, Discaya tasks in Pasig, Marikina, and Rizal reportedly worsened flooding there, as an alternative of easing it.
Napoles prospered as a result of the federal government was blind to the rot within the PDAF implementation. The Discayas thrived as a result of the system allowed her to: A system that privileged sure contractors over the institution of transparency and accountability. Villar campaigned on his infrastructure legacy, however data present that, whereas roads and bridges multiplied, so did the alternatives for plunder. Simply as Napoles symbolized Aquino’s blind spot, the Discayas symbolize Duterte’s collusion and Marcos Jr.’s inaction.
If Napoles was Aquino’s nightmare, the Discayas are poised to develop into Marcos Jr.’s political undoing. Napoles was not merely a thief; she was a system operator. She grew to become the face of corruption beneath Aquino’s watch — an emblem of how deeply cash and politics are entwined on this nation.
Underneath Marcos Jr., the Discayas seem poised to put on the identical crown. Their meteoric rise, fueled by suspiciously awarded DPWH contracts, mirrors Napoles’s trajectory. The distinction is simply in type, not substance. Napoles used NGOs. The Discayas use contractors. Each thrive on political complicity and bureaucratic seize. Each fatten themselves by siphoning off the general public purse, whereas bizarre Filipinos sink deeper in poverty and floodwaters.
The parallels are too sharp to disregard
That is the place the fraud turns into simple. Simply as Napoles’s ghost NGOs robbed farmers of promised fertilizers, the Discayas’ building empire robs communities of real security and mobility. Every botched venture is a monument to plunder. Every flooded barangay is proof of how taxpayer cash has been washed away into personal coffers.
What makes this much more damning is timing. Marcos Jr. pledged to construct a “Bagong Pilipinas” (New Philippines), branding himself as a pacesetter who would steer the nation towards progress. But the Discayas’ reported stranglehold on DPWH tasks exposes a contradiction: how can we construct a brand new nation on a basis riddled with corruption? The infrastructure that’s alleged to symbolize Marcos Jr.’s management is being hollowed out by plunder. The longer Malacañang pretends to not see, the deeper the rot grows — and the extra it turns into inconceivable to assert ignorance. – Rappler.com